Tag Archives: congo

UN and the Rape of Women in Congo

Congolese soldier.  Image from wikipedia

The U.N. peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo has threatened to stop supporting two Congolese army battalions unless soldiers accused of raping scores of women in an eastern town are prosecuted, said a senior U.N. official.  The United Nations said 126 women were raped in Minova in November 2012 after Congolese troops fled to the town as so-called M23 rebels briefly captured the nearby provincial capital of Goma.

The senior U.N. official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the two Congolese battalions had been told to start prosecuting soldiers accused of raping the women in Minova this month or they would lose the support of U.N. peacekeepers, Reuters reports.  "Many rapes were committed. We have investigated, we have identified a number of cases and we demand that the Congolese authorities take action legally against those people," said the official. He did not say how many soldiers had been accused. "Since nothing sufficient has happened at this stage we have already put two units of the armed forces of Congo on notice that if they do not act promptly we shall cease supporting them," he said. "They have to shape up."

U.N. spokesman Martin Nesirky said in December that alleged human rights abuses were committed in and around Minova between November 20 and November 30, including the 126 rapes and the killing of two civilians. Nesirky said at the time that two soldiers were charged with rape, while seven more were charged with looting.  The U.N. peacekeeping mission in Congo, known as MONUSCO, has a mandate to protect civilians and supports operations by the Congolese army. There are more than 17,000 troops in Congo - a country the size of Western Europe.

Peacekeepers have been stretched thin by the M23 rebellion in the resource-rich east of Congo and the U.N. Security Council is considering creating a special intervention force, which one senior council diplomat has said would be able to "search and destroy" the M23 rebels and other armed groups in the country.  M23 began taking parts of eastern Congo early last year, accusing the government of failing to honor a 2009 peace deal. That deal ended a previous rebellion and led to the rebels' integration into the army, but they have since deserted.

African leaders signed a U.N.-mediated accord late last month aimed at ending two decades of conflict in eastern Congo and paving the way for the intervention force

U.N. threatens to stop working with Congo army units accused of rape, Reuters, Mar. 8, 2013

See also Why the UN is Failing Congo

The State of Women in War

Related posts:

Why UN is Failing Congo? the purpose of Rwanda covert action

monusco

The United Nations said it had launched a comprehensive review of its Congo peacekeeping mission, which suffered a severe blow to its image last month after it stood aside and let rebels seize control of a major eastern city.  But U.N. Security Council diplomats and officials said any changes in the U.N.'s largest peacekeeping force would matter little if authorities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo did not improve their own army, and neighbouring Rwanda and Uganda continued to finance, equip and train rebel groups in mineral-rich eastern Congo.  U.N. officials have defended the U.N. Congo force, MONUSCO, for not preventing the well-equipped M23 rebels from taking the eastern city of Goma last month.  They said any attempt to have done so would have put Goma's civilian population at risk. But they are painfully aware of the damage to the image of the mission, which U.N. officials say has been quite effective over the years, in Congo and across Africa.  "MONUSCO's reputation has been severely damaged in the DRC and the region," a U.N. diplomat told Reuters on condition of anonymity. "The U.N. is looking closely at MONUSCO now to consider whether there can be changes.

U.N. peacekeeping spokesman Kieran Dwyer said the United Nations was launching a comprehensive assessment of MONUSCO, and diplomats said U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon would present the results to the Security Council early next year...

One idea U.N. officials are considering is the creation of an "enforcement wing" of MONUSCO, that would take a more robust approach to dealing with insurgents in eastern Congo, U.N. diplomats and officials told Reuters on condition of anonymity.  "The idea would be to create a wing of MONUSCO that would do more than simply support the FARDC (Congolese army) but could take on more difficult battlefield tasks," an envoy said.   Details are sketchy, since the review has just begun. But the idea is that the enforcement wing and the international neutral force could deploy along the Rwandan border, possibly with a separate, beefed-up mandate from the rest of MONUSCO, though they would all be part of the same overall mission.  Diplomats said the idea would have to be approved by troop-contributing countries and the Security Council.

A U.N. panel of experts has said M23 rebels are getting money, sophisticated equipment, training and reinforcements from Rwanda, as well as some additional support from Uganda. Analysts, diplomats and U.N. officials say Rwanda and Uganda have been interfering in eastern Congo for many years.  Rwanda and Uganda deny the charges....

It is not the first time Goma residents have felt let down by blue-helmeted U.N. troops. In 2008, the Security Council increased the size the peacekeeping force by 3,000 troops to help Congo's weak army confront Tutsi rebels in eastern Congo.  At that time, angry displaced people and residents rioted and hurled stones at the peacekeepers, accusing them of failing to protect them from raping and pillaging Tutsi rebels led by renegade General Laurent Nkunda.  Despite recent setbacks sparked by the M23 rebellion and political instability in Congo, U.N. officials and diplomats say MONUSCO has done much good in Congo, which has seen five different peacekeeping forces over the last five decades...One problem in eastern Congo is that the army itself is in shambles. Not only is it widely seen as incapable of providing security in the region, it routinely faces accusations of rape and other atrocities.  Another problem is the weakness of President Joseph Kabila's government, which has virtually no control over eastern Congo, an area the size of France. U.N. officials have spoken of Rwanda's de facto annexation of Congo's eastern provinces.

By Louis Charbonneau, U.N. launches review of Congo force with battered reputation, Reuters, Dec 13 2012

Related posts:

China and its Collaborators in Africa

Congolese critics accuse Sassou-Nguesso [President of Congo] of using the Chinese-backed building boom to move from his 'authoritarian-authoritarian' model to something nearer the 'developmental authoritarian' style of Rwanda's President Paul Kagame. However, Sassou-Nguesso was in triumphant mode as he inaugurated a spate of Chinese construction projects in the country's hinterland on 14-18 May. These projects are intended to bring the benefits of oil-backed growth to regions previously isolated from the bustling cities of Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire.  Now known locally as 'The Cutter of Ribbons', Sassou-Nguesso is using oil money and plans to develop Congo-Brazzaville's mineral resources to shape a new relationship with China. Once a key commercial and diplomatic ally of France, Sassou-Nguesso's headlong rush to Beijing coincides with the election of President François Hollande. Hollande's African policy team promises to break with the old Françafrique networks. Among their advisors is the activist lawyer William Bourdon, who has been pursuing a case against Sassou-Nguesso in France for stealing Congolese state assets.....

From fibre-optic installation and new dams to more than 1,000 kilometres of paved roads, companies like China Road and Bridge Corporation and China State Construction Engineering Corporation have quietly landed most of the major contracts issued by the Brazzaville government.  That means large profits and more deals to come.

Congo-Brazzaville, for so long the preserve of European companies, is drawing serious attention from China. The two countries have signed deals to develop special economic zones, build a new oil port and revamp an ageing refinery. For the Chinese investors, the lure is Congo-Brazzaville's rich but under-exploited resource base. Having relied for decades on offshore oil riches and forestry, the country has until recently made little effort to exploit its mineral deposits, develop its more remote regions or diversify the economy into commerce and services. That could change if the new Asian relationships live up to their billing. For Sassou-Nguesso, the big attraction is an engagement based purely on economic and financial criteria, with a partner who does not impose awkward governance or human rights conditions.

This is not Congo's first encounter with Asian investment. South Korean and Malaysian companies, via the Consortium Congo Malaisie Corée, had proposed a huge resources-for-infrastructure deal that would build new rail lines in exchange for access to forestry and mining permits in 2008. That deal didn't work out but the Chemin de Fer Congo Océan received part of its order of engines and cars from Korail in August 2011. Malaysian investors have looked at opportunities in the hydrocarbons sector and - building on their experience of rural Congo in the timber business - palm oil production. In 2010 Atama Plantation agreed to invest $300 million in new oil palm plantations and processing capacity.

The most recent interest from Chinese entities takes the engagement a step further. Alain Akouala Atipault, a Minister in the Presidency, was China's guest at an international infrastructure and investment forum in Macau where, on 24 April, he signed an agreement with the China Friendship Development International Engineering Design and Consult Corporation (FDDC) - an offshoot of the Trade Ministry in Beijing.  FDDC will seek out Chinese investors interested in setting up operations in four special economic zones, which Congo plans to establish in Brazzaville, Pointe- Noire, Ouesso and the Oyo-Ollombo area. FDDC will also help to mobilise financing for the zones, build their infrastructure and carry out feasibility studies......

China's engagement in Congo is typical of its strategy elsewhere in Africa. Beijing often takes a long-term view of whether projects will generate an economic return. Viability is seen in broad terms, encompassing not just the specific project's concerns but also the wider trade and political benefits of partnership and the political goodwill that could open up access to valuable natural resources. Congo has both major reserves of high-value timber - a sector where Congo Dejia Wood Industry, Jua Ikié, Million Well Congo Bois, Sino-Congo Forêt and Société d'Exploitation Forestière Yuan Dong are already active - and reserves of minerals such as iron ore and potash, which are largely untouched.

China National Complete Plant Import & Export Corporation is developing the potash reserves at Mengo with Canada's MagIndustries; Australia's Sundance Resources relies on finance and expertise from Hanlong Mining and other Chinese infrastructure companies to make its designs on iron-ore projects in Cameroon (Mbarga) and Congo-Brazzaville (Nabeba) viable. Sundance is waiting for final approvals from Yaoundé and Brazzaville and expects all the paperwork to be signed before the end of 2012.

Beijing's policy of ignoring questions of democracy and human rights is certainly helpful to Sassou-Nguesso's regime - which has a poor human rights record, is marred by widespread corruption and remains fundamentally authoritarian despite the trappings of a multiparty system.

Excerpt, Congo-Brazzaville: Sassou Draws in Beijing,AllAfrica.com, June 2, 2012

See also A Continent for Sale through Queensway

Related posts:

Mining the Oil Sands of Congo, ENI. More of the Resource curse?

Italian oil major Eni will launch a pilot of its estimated 500 million and 2.5 billion barrels reserves of recoverable oil sands project in the Republic of Congo, Eni's chief executive said Thursday (Oct.6, 2011)."Eni-Congo's great future project for Congo is the oil sands. We have put in place a small pilot which will start next year," Paolo Scaroni said after meeting Congo's president Denis Sassou N'Guesso on Thursday in Brazzaville. Eni signed a deal in 2008 with the government of Congo to explore and develop the oil sands field with a surface area of about 1790 square km, in the south of the oil-producing Central African nation. Eni had said it planned to invest 3 billion in the project over the four-year period from 2008-2011. The project has however drawn under criticism from environmental groups which warned that exploiting the non-conventional oil in tar sands could destroy Congo's rainforest and bio-diversity. Scaroni said the Congo project will be carried out with respect to the environment. "All this will be done, taking into account the environment, which is the number one priority of our activity in Congo," he said. Congo is one of sub-Saharan Africa's top crude oil producers. Eni and French group Total and the main operators.

Eni to start Congo pilot oil sands project in 2012. Reuters, Oct 6, 2011

Resource curse

 

Related posts:

International Criminal Court Track Record: targeting Africa’s Dictatators

The International Criminal Court in The Hague is about to open a formal investigation into post-election violence in Côte d’Ivoire at the request of the country’s new president, Alassane Ouattara... In Libya Colonel Muammar Qaddafi, Africa’s longest-serving leader, is wondering whether he may face the same fate, after the ICC’s chief prosecutor announced that he was seeking three arrest warrants (with names so far undisclosed) for those deemed most responsible for the killing of hundreds of unarmed people since pro-democracy protests began in February....  In The Hague a verdict is expected within months at the trial of Charles Taylor, Liberia’s former president, before a special court dealing with Sierra Leone. In Sudan President Omar al-Bashir is still wary of falling into the ICC’s net, three years after being charged with genocide in his country’s western province of Darfur.

The court’s statutes let it prosecute people for suspected genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in any member state when that state is “unwilling or unable” to do so...[1]This has usually been done at the request of the state itself, as in Uganda, the Central African Republic (CAR) and Congo. [2]But it can also investigate atrocities in non-member states at the request of the UN Security Council, if deemed to threaten regional or international peace and security. This is what happened with Darfur, where the Security Council first drew the court’s attention to the atrocities. Now the council has also referred Libya to the court.

This has been a tricky route. Three of the Security Council’s five permanent members—America, Russia and China—did not sign up to the ICC. A threatened veto by just one of them is enough to block a mooted referral. But with Darfur, international alarm over the spreading rape and bloodshed persuaded America and China to abstain rather than oppose Sudan’s referral in 2005. Since then the UN Security Council has sent only one other such case to the court. But the court’s boosters have taken heart from the unanimous vote against Libya in February, arguing that it may mark a milestone in the nine-year-old outfit’s struggle for worldwide acceptance.  Most of the Arab world refuses to accept a court that much of the poor world still sees as a Western-dominated tribunal, intent on holding the have-nots to account while giving impunity to the rich and powerful. Jordan is the ICC’s only Arab member.

These days the ICC’s biggest opponents are in Africa, which provides the court with its biggest group of members (31 out of 114) and is the scene of all the cases currently being investigated or prosecuted: in the CAR, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Libya, Sudan and Uganda. Accusing the court of unfairly targeting African countries, the 53-member African Union (AU) is again calling for “African solutions to African problems”. It particularly dislikes the court’s increasing willingness to go after sitting presidents. At its summit next month it plans to extend the authority of its African Court of Justice and Human Rights to cover criminal as well as civil cases. ...It may not work. The reason so many African cases are before the court is not because of bias; all the ICC’s cases have been referred to it either by the UN Security Council or by the countries themselves. It is because the standards of justice in Africa are often poor... The ICC was set up as a court of last resort. It may not take on cases if the country concerned has a competent, independent justice system ready to prosecute alleged perpetrators and give them a fair trial. Its statutes say nothing about having to defer to regional courts. Many autocratic African leaders appear ready to protect their erring colleagues from the law in case they may one day need the favour returned...

The ICC’s big weakness, apart from its astronomical cost and drawn-out procedures, is its dependence on others to help arrest suspects. But even this may be changing. South Africa and Botswana have said Mr Bashir is not welcome. Congo has handed over three of its suspects to the court and France a fourth, while Belgium has handed over Jean-Pierre Bemba, a former Congolese vice-president, for alleged atrocities in the CAR. America is actively supporting the hunt for four rebel leaders of Uganda’s Lord’s Resistance Army, which continues to wreak havoc in the region. Some suspects, including three Darfuri rebel leaders and six Kenyans, have appeared voluntarily before the court. Five others are in custody, including four on trial. So the court, though still widely regarded in Africa with suspicion and sometimes even derision, may yet prove to have teeth.

Excerpts, International justice in Africa: The International Criminal Court bares its teeth, Economist, May 14, 2011, at 57

Related posts:

Illegal Markets: the Security of Nuclear Materials

One of the nightmare scenarios of the 21st century is a "rogue state" or terror group getting its hands on nuclear material that could be sufficiently enriched to make a weapon. And diplomatic cables obtained by WikiLeaks show that from central Africa to central Asia, it's a constant preoccupation of U.S. officials.

Two cables from 2007 detailed the discovery of uranium in "multiple containers" in the Democratic Republic of Congo.  "All items have marking and labels indicating that they were produced in Belgium," one says.  The cables, written by the U.S. Embassy in neighboring Burundi, quote an unnamed informant as saying the uranium was found in a fortified bunker.  "It took four months to open the bunker. In the process of opening the bunker two men were killed by a grenade booby trap. There were also land mines planted around it," one cable says.  The informant, described by the Guardian newspaper as a local elder, added: "One container weighing 3 kg is currently located in Bukavu and another 3 kg container is located in Goma," two towns in eastern Congo. And he said he knew of "someone who has 3 containers who would be willing to sell them."

Regarding the motivation of the man and his associates, the cable quoted them as saying "they did not want these items to fall into the wrong hands, specifically mentioning that they did not want Muslims to possess the items." And they were reluctant to notify the Congo authorities because "they were afraid that the corrupt Congolese police would steal the items and sell it themselves."

For U.S. diplomats, one of the challenges is to work out what might amount to a real danger, and what might be a scam.  The Congo informants were "anxiously waiting for some sort of indication from us that we are willing to pay for it," according to the cable. "The men did not know if the uranium was weapon-usable fissile material, highly enriched uranium, what the percentage of uranium-235 isotope or other isotopes were, or how its content was determined."  In the end U.S. diplomats concluded: "This case fits the profile of typical scams involving nuclear smuggling originating from the eastern DRC."

In 2006, another cable -- from Dar es Salaam in Tanzania -- discussed the possible shipment of African uranium overseas. It says that "according to a senior Swiss diplomat, the shipment of uranium through Dar es Salaam is common knowledge to two Swiss shipping companies." The uranium was supposedly from Democratic Republic of Congo and was destined for Iran -- though embassy officials pointed out that the reports were unsubstantiated.

Security at nuclear installations has been another cause for alarm. In 2006, U.S. diplomats toured a non-functioning nuclear research center that included two reactors in the Congo capital, Kinshasa. One, according to the director of the center, contained "5.1 kilograms of enriched uranium," which is U-235, enriched to 20 percent.  The visitors noted: "External and internal security is poor, leaving the facility vulnerable to theft. The fence is not lit at night, has no razor-wire across the top, and is not monitored by video surveillance. There is also no cleared buffer zone between it and the surrounding vegetation."  As for the guards, "some are elderly, and some are occasionally caught sleeping on the job," the cable adds. "It is relatively easy for someone to break into the nuclear reactor building or the nuclear waste storage building and steal rods or nuclear waste, with no greater tool than a lock cutter."  In fact, two fuel rods had vanished from the facility in 1998. One was subsequently found when the Mafia in Italy tried to sell it to unidentified buyers from the Middle East. The other was never recovered.

Guarding nuclear materials appears to have been a problem in Yemen, too. A cable from the U.S. Embassy there earlier this year noted, "The lone security guard standing watch at Yemen's main radioactive materials storage facility was removed from his post on December 30, 2009, according to (name redacted)." And it adds, "Very little now stands between the bad guys and Yemen's nuclear material."

U.S. President Barack Obama has made it a priority to secure vulnerable nuclear stocks within four years in a global drive to pre-empt nuclear terrorism. While some progress has been made, data from the International Atomic Energy Agency show there is plenty of nuclear material on the loose.  In the year to June 2010, the IAEA reported 61 incidents involving theft or loss. Five of the incidents involved high enriched uranium or plutonium, including one of illegal possession.

Several cables refer to attempts to sell nuclear and radiological materials stolen in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union. One of the more bizarre incidents occurred in Portugal in 2008, when a man walked into the U.S. Embassy to try to help sell "uranium plates" owned by an unidentified ex-Russian general living in Portugal.  "The material was allegedly stolen from Chernobyl," the cable says. "The walk-in stated he is not on any medications and has not consulted any mental health specialists."

Several incidents are reported in cables from the Caucasus nations -- the most recent so far published referring to an incident last year. A car carrying three Armenians set off a gamma alarm as it crossed into Georgia. "The driver of the vehicle said that he had recently had surgery, during which time a radioactive isotope was injected into his body," an explanation that apparently satisfied the Georgian border guards.

But the alarm sounded again when the car crossed the border at a later date and an inspection "determined that the car was contaminated with Cesium-137," a radioactive isotope frequently found in the low-level waste from medical or research labs which in the wrong hands could be an ingredient for a "dirty bomb."  However, a search of the vehicle failed to produce any radioactive material and the occupants were allowed to go. The Cesium-137 had apparently been delivered.  One interesting aspect of that incident was that the alarm was set off by a "radiation detection portal monitor," hundreds of which have been installed at border crossings in many parts of the former Soviet Union as part of a program run by the U.S. Department of Energy. However, the effectiveness of the devices has been questioned.  One cable on the incident says it "reveals that some training gaps remain within the patrol police on how to appropriately handle alarms."

In another case that is not covered by the leaked cables published so far, two Armenians pleaded guilty last month to smuggling highly enriched uranium into the nation of Georgia, hiding it in a lead-lined box on a train from the Armenian capital, Yerevan, to Tbilisi in Georgia. Their illicit cargo was not detected by alarms, but they were eventually caught by a good old-fashioned sting operation.  The two Armenians, a physicist and the former owner of a dairy business, are now serving long jail terms in Georgia

By Tim Lister, WikiLeaks: From Congo to the Caucasus -- chasing loose nuke material, CNN, Dec. 21, 2010

Related posts:

Nuclear Non-proliferation and its Weak Links

the Kayelekera Uranium Mine, Malawi, image from http://www.mining-technology.com/projects/kayelekerauraniummin/kayelekerauraniummin1.html

Years after a six-month deadline passed, dozens of nations, including uranium producers, remain potential weak links in the global defense against nuclear terrorism, ignoring a U.N. mandate on laws and controls to foil this ultimate threat.

Niger, a major uranium exporter, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the source of the uranium for the first atomic bomb, are among the states falling short in complying with Security Council Resolution 1540, a key tool in efforts to block nuclear proliferation.

Uncontrolled freelance mining in the Congo has long worried international authorities that the raw material for a bomb might fall into the wrong hands.

U.S. President Barack Obama, who calls nuclear terrorism "the most immediate and extreme threat to global security," hosts a summit on nuclear security April 12-13 in Washington, where implementation of Resolution 1540 will be high on the agenda.

Twenty-nine nations have failed to report they have taken action on nuclear security as required by the 2004 resolution. Among the more than 160 governments that have reported, the information supplied is often sketchy.

Resolution 1540, which set a reporting deadline of October 2004, "imposes strict reporting requirements on states, but few have fully met them," the International Commission on Nonproliferation and Nuclear Disarmament, a prestigious study group, concluded in its final report last December.

Mexican U.N. Ambassador Claude Heller, chairman of the U.N. committee monitoring 1540's implementation, said he plans a series of meetings with noncompliant states to urge cooperation, and he sees Obama's summit as a chance to "send a strong message" about the U.N. mandate's importance.

"It is a legally binding regime that was adopted by the Security Council," Heller told The Associated Press. "It is not up to governments to say yes we will report or not."

Resolution 1540, promoted by the U.S. in the aftermath of the 9/11 terror attacks and the 2004 uncovering of the Pakistan-based A.Q. Khan nuclear smuggling network, is the only global legal instrument designed to disrupt links between terrorists and nuclear technology. Unlike treaties, applicable only to states that ratify them, this U.N. mandate obligated all nations.

It required governments to "adopt and enforce appropriate effective laws which prohibit any non-State actor," such as terrorists, from making or possessing nuclear, chemical or biological weapons, their delivery systems or related material. Governments must establish "effective" border and export controls and physical protection for sensitive materials and sites.

An AP review of filings found vast differences in national reporting.

The U.S. and other industrialized nations filed reports of up to 30,000 words detailing relevant laws and how they are enforced, while other, smaller countries submitted reports of just a few hundred words noting — irrelevantly — the nonproliferation treaties to which they subscribe or, in Uganda's case, requesting financial aid to carry out 1540's obligations.

In its own review issued in January, Heller's committee cited major gaps in reporting on whether activities related to weapons of mass destruction were criminalized, on whether laws are enforced, on establishing lists of controlled items, and on restricting access to sensitive materials.

Almost all the non-reporting states are in Africa, including uranium producers Zambia, Malawi and the Central African Republic.

Niger and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which as the Belgian Congo colony produced the uranium that fueled the U.S. weapon dropped on Hiroshima, Japan, in 1945, didn't file reports for four years after the resolution's adoption. In 2008, the 1540 committee's expert staff drafted reports on behalf of those two countries, drawing on publicly available information. But Niger and Congo themselves have not reported taking steps to tighten nuclear security under 1540.

The "Hiroshima mine" at Shinkolobwe in southern Congo was closed in 1960, but in recent years thousands of individual miners, officially unsanctioned, have worked at the site, extracting cobalt and, some reports say, uranium.

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the U.N. nuclear watchdog, has expressed concern about poor security at the mine, as well as at a nuclear research reactor in Kinshasa, the Congolese capital, whose spent uranium fuel could be used for a terrorist's radioactive "dirty bomb."

Niger, in central Africa, has huge reserves of the continent's highest-grade uranium. In some years it ranks as the world's No. 3 producer.

With renewed global interest in nuclear power, mining companies are stepping up uranium exploration and development in Niger and elsewhere in Africa, including in Gabon, Guinea, Mali and Mauritania, all non-filers under Resolution 1540.

Although they might manage to fashion relatively simple "dirty bombs," al-Qaida and other terror groups wouldn't have the expertise or large infrastructure needed to build nuclear weapons from raw African uranium. Experts fear, however, that "non-state actors," including financially motivated smugglers, might deliver ore, technology or other material to a state with an illicit weapons program.

Iran, which denies Western allegations its nuclear power program is meant for weapons-building, is known to need more foreign uranium supplies.

Resolution 1540 reporting "is important especially for countries that have uranium mines or an old research reactor," said Swedish nonproliferation scholar Johan Bergenas.

By reviewing their laws and practices for the U.N., countries can detect weaknesses and remedy them with help being offered by the U.S. and other developed nations, said Bergenas, a researcher at the Washington office of the Monterey Institute of International Studies.

Heller, Bergenas and others familiar with the process say poor African states are choosing to devote their limited resources to higher priorities than U.S. and European concerns about nuclear proliferation. A Niger U.N. diplomat seemed to agree.

"We lack capacity to follow all such requirements," said Boubecar Boureima. In tracking Security Council developments, he said, "we deal with economic matters, peacebuilding in our region and other matters of interest to us.

"We have uranium," he added, "but we have no intention to go the wrong way."

The 1540 regime's weaknesses lie not only at the reporting end, but here at the U.N. as well, diplomats say.

Ambassador Jorge Urbina of Costa Rica, Heller's predecessor as committee chairman, said more expert staffing is needed to better monitor how nations comply with 1540. He and Heller also believe the U.N. should consider establishing a permanent agency to oversee 1540, to replace the committee, made up of an ever-changing lineup of 15 Security Council member countries.

"You don't need 15 countries deciding on every move," Urbina said. "The committee process has slowed implementation."

An IAEA database counts scores of thefts, losses and other incidents involving nuclear materials each year. "It shows there's a risk that the international community has to deal with," Heller said. His committee pledges to "redouble its efforts."

"It is still a very young regime," the Mexican diplomat said of Resolution 1540. "It is one thing to adopt something. The second challenge is to implement it."

CHARLES J. HANLEY, Uranium-mining nations flout UN on nuclear terror, Associated Press, April 4, 2009

Related posts:

The Good and the Bad Guys: Not such a fine line–UN in Congo

MONUC Image from http://monuc.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=2149

Lawyers warned the United Nations in April of the risks of backing military operations in which Congolese soldiers are now accused of massacring hundreds of civilians, internal U.N. documents showed on Friday.

The U.N. peacekeeping mission in Congo, MONUC, has backed government forces in a nine-month operation against Rwandan Hutu rebels in Congo's east. The world body says they are bolstering stability by supporting the operation but aid agencies argue the level of abuse and civilian casualties mean U.N support for operations should end.

In an internal memo, seen by Reuters on Friday, the United Nations' Office of Legal Affairs wrote to peace-keeping chief Alain Le Roy soon after the offensive began outlining the strict conditions under which MONUC could back the anti-rebel drive.

"MONUC cannot participate in any form of joint operation with (army) units, or support an operation by those units, if there are substantial grounds for believing there to be a real risk of them violating international humanitarian law, human rights law or refugee law," the memo said.

Rights activists say Congo's ill-disciplined army, cobbled together from former rebels, militia groups and government loyalists, is one of the country's worst human rights abusers. The United Nations has documented wide-ranging abuses committed by government forces since the offensive began in March.

The Congolese army denies the scale of the alleged abuses and says it is working to improve its system of accountability.  Last month, the United Nations suspended its logistical and operational support for a Congolese army brigade it accused of killing at least 62 civilians.

But New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW), which has documented the deaths of 500 civilians since the offensive began, says this is not enough as cooperation has continued with other units, some of whom are still committing abuses.

"The withdrawal of support to some army units by MONUC was a step in the right direction, but that suspension of support has not resulted in a change in behavior by the army as a whole," HRW's Congo researcher Anneke Van Woudenberg told Reuters.

The U.N. legal memo called on the peacekeeping mission to continually reassess its collaboration with the army units and "if the violations are widespread or serious, must cease its participation in the operation as a whole."

MONUC officials have acknowledged that serious abuses by the army have occurred, but argue that the situation would be even worse without their involvement.  "The advice we've received is about absolute principles that must be respected absolutely," Kevin Kennedy, MONUC's head of communications, told Reuters on Friday.  "We're making a good faith effort to adhere to that advice and to translate those principles into real action on the ground," he said.

The mounting criticism of the supporting role of MONUC, which helped ensure security for successful 2006 polls after a five-year war, has raised questions over the mission's future.   In a report this week, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon proposed extending MONUC's mandate for just six months, instead of the usual year, while the Security Council draws up a new strategy that could include a military drawdown

U.N. Warned Of Risks In Backing Congo Army Ops: Memo, Reuters, December 11, 2009

Related posts:

How a Constitution can Become Irrelevant: Congo and China

http://www.csmonitor.com/2005/0914/csmimg/p10b.gif

After 32 years of rapacious dictatorship under Mobutu Sese Seko and nearly a decade of chaos following his demise in 1997, Congo's elections in 2006 marked the first time the people of the former Belgian colony had gone to the polls in a free and fair vote for four decades. It was a rare moment of hope for a better future. But the latest signs are less auspicious. In recent parliamentary sessions, it emerged that President Joseph Kabila had called for a special constitutional review commission to consider amending Congo's four-year-old charter. Among various suggestions, it may ask for presidential terms to be extended from five to seven years and perhaps for term limits to be junked altogether. Another idea being touted is for the president to become head of the Superior Council of Magistrates, the country's most powerful judicial body. But the constitution specifically forbids amendments in all of those areas.In the past three years the 38-year-old president has shown increasingly little interest in living up to the democratic promise that impressed the West when he won at the polls in 2006. Not that such hopes lasted very long. Just a few months after he was sworn in, he brought the opposition to heel by defeating fighters loyal to Jean-Pierre Bemba, who came second in the presidential contest, in deadly street battles in the capital, Kinshasa. Soon afterwards he clamped down on parliament's largest opposition group, which is led by Mr Bemba, who is anyway due next year to stand trial for war crimes at the International Criminal Court at The Hague.

More recently Mr Kabila's government has become still more hostile to anyone deemed to be critical of it. In particular, the information minister, Lambert Mende, has been smearing human-rights groups, saying, for instance, that they exaggerate the humanitarian crisis in the east for profit and collude with Congo's enemies. Local journalists face threats and intimidation from civilian and military authorities. And foreign correspondents now risk trial before a military tribunal for shining a harsh light on Mr Kabila's army, which has been reported to have deliberately killed hundreds of civilians in operations against Rwandan rebels in eastern Congo.

"The atmosphere for human-rights defenders and journalists is bleak," says Anneke Van Woudenberg of the New York-based lobby group, Human Rights Watch. "It's becoming more and more difficult for people to speak out freely. This is a government heading in the direction of authoritarian rule."

Western governments and charities sound less concerned, on the whole, by the constitutional review, though they are wary of the threats to civil society and the press. "I think it's a worry at the moment, rather than an alarm," says a diplomat. But they have made it clear to Mr Kabila that extending term limits could have bad consequences. He knows that Western money still props up a weak Congolese state. The West pays for an array of services, including the salaries of many thousands of teachers and doctors. It pays hundreds of millions of dollars towards keeping millions of destitute and displaced people alive in the east. It coughed up some $500m to help run the elections in 2006. And it pays for most of the $1.4 billion a year to maintain a vast UN peacekeeping mission that is the country's ultimate guarantor of stability.

Mr Kabila, however, has been busy forging new partnerships in an effort to lessen his reliance on the meddlesome West. In next year's budget now being put to parliament,  it is clear that Mr Kabila expects China, which seems happy to ignore his human-rights records and reports of corruption, to overtake the World Bank as Congo's single biggest financial backer, dwarfing all other donors.

Congo's Constitution: Democracy under threat, Economist, Nov. 21, 2009, at 50

Related posts:

On the State of Women in War

congo, image from bbc

Babies' skulls dashed against rocks; attempts to twist off the heads of toddlers. Girls, their mothers and grandmothers (and sometimes male relatives too) raped at knife- or gunpoint, the weapons then used to inflict mutilation. Women hauled off to camps or just tied to trees and gang-raped. Thousands of children, some as young as nine, snatched or recruited by armed gangs (or regular forces) and made into drug-crazed killers, the girls among them often serially abused or taken by commanders as "wives".

Such are the horrors reported from some recent conflict zones. In civil wars, women and children always fare worst. But with every new killing-field, from Bosnia to Liberia, Sierra Leone, Congo, the Central African Republic or the Darfur region of Sudan, the level of cruelty seems to shock even the most seasoned observers.

Data on such matters can be hard to get. Take the Central African Republic (CAR), where the UN says child abuse, rape and forced military recruitment are rife. In that country, probably no more than 10% of live births are registered. Without records, and often without government help, the UN has to use disparate tallies from peacekeepers, medical workers and NGOs.

In a 2005 report that enraged Sudan's government, the charity Médecins Sans Frontières listed almost 500 cases of rape against women, children and men through clinics in south and west Darfur over less than five months. In eastern Congo, the UN says that between June 2007 and June 2008, in Ituri province alone, 6,766 cases of rape were reported, with 43% involving children; and for each rape reported, it is likely that ten to 20 go unreported.

The human, social and economic results are dire. Sexual violence by marauding armies or militias can-as is often intended-wreck or uproot communities, with shame turning victims into outcasts. Ex-child soldiers returning to their home region, often with scant education or skills, may grow up into sadistic adults.

Doctors and counsellors are often overwhelmed. In Bosnia, tens of thousands of women were raped; in eastern Congo in recent years some 80% of fistula cases reported in women are thought to be the result of such crimes. High numbers of similar cases were reported from Burundi, Chad, Congo, Sierra Leone and Liberia, according to the Geneva-based Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces. An estimated 70% of Rwanda's rape survivors were infected with HIV.

At least the climate of impunity is changing. The UN-backed special courts for Rwanda and ex-Yugoslavia were the first to take testimony and bring charges based on the use of rape as a method of war. A similar body for Sierra Leone won the first conviction for sex slavery (and another over the use of child soldiers).

Now the International Criminal Court at The Hague has stepped in. Thomas Lubanga, a Congolese ex-warlord, is on trial (the court's first) for recruiting children under 15 to fight. A former Congolese vice-president, Jean-Pierre Bemba, will hear soon whether he will be tried for war crimes stemming from rapes in the CAR.

Accusations of genocide against Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir (which may soon lead to an arrest warrant) are based in part on evidence suggesting a systematic campaign of racially-motivated rape by Arab janjaweed militias, in the pay of his government, against black fellow Muslims in south and west Darfur. Such charges appear to be borne out by video clips released by the British-based Aegis Trust: a government soldier saying he was forced to rape at gunpoint by an officer; other perpetrators saying such acts were meant to make babies of a different race.

The UN Security Council has weighed in too. Resolution 1820, adopted last year after a tussle, affirms that sexual violence as a weapon of war affects international peace and security, and could trigger sanctions; an earlier resolution (1612) aimed to protect children in war zones. Both tell the UN secretary-general to report more often on the fate of women and children in wars.

He will find plenty to say. In Colombia at least 8,000 children are being used by armed groups of left and right. Meanwhile, the UN's children's fund, Unicef, frets that efforts to demobilise child soldiers often miss abused girls under pressure to stay with their abductors. The agency is lobbying governments to sign a protocol attached in 2002 to the Convention on the Rights of the Child, raising the age for military recruitment from 15 to 18; Unicef thinks there are 300,000 under-18s involved in more than 30 conflicts.

More victims are speaking out bravely. In eastern Congo, where rape is a weapon of choice for several militias, the New York Times recently reported that some women have started telling their stories in open forums; meanwhile, mobile courts are helping victims in remote forests to seek redress. A Congolese doctor, Denis Mukwege, has won international acclaim for helping rape victims. Part of the case against Mr Lubanga was based on video accounts by child soldiers of the horrors they saw. These were collected by a group called Ajedi-ka, shown first in Congo and then distributed by Witness, a human-rights group based in New York.

Liberia's women helped see off one tormentor: protests organised by Christian and Muslim women helped push their president, Charles Taylor, into exile in 2003. He is now on trial at The Hague on 11 counts of war crimes, crimes against humanity and other butchery. If Sudan's Mr Bashir ever appears in court, he may find that war victims in his country are equally eloquent and brave.

Civilians in War Zone: Women and children worst, Economist, Feb. 19, 2009, at 60 

 Sexual Violence as a Weapon of War

Related posts: